| THE ILISU DAM PROJECT IN SOUTHERN
TURKEY
M. Ronayne (Junior Representative for Northern
Europe – National University of Ireland,
Galway) maggie.ronayne@NUIGALWAY.IE
The Ilisu dam project on the river Tigris
is a part of a wider Turkish dam development
which has been ongoing for several years
and looks set to continue for several more.
This particular project is part of a hydro-electric
scheme on which work will begin next year.
It is so controversial that the World Bank
has serious reservations about it and refuses
to fund it. This is because the project
will violate five of the World Bank’s environment
and resettlement guidelines on eighteen
counts. In addition, it looks set
to violate a European convention on human
rights and possibly a UN convention on preventing
wars between states over shared water resources.
It will drown a rich and complex archaeological
heritage dating back to the Palaeolithic.
This is, in fact, the region of Turkey which
is least archaeologically investigated but
said to provide some of the earliest evidence
in the ‘fertile crescent’ for agriculture
as well as forming part of Upper Mesopotamia.
The historical site to be worst affected
is be the medieval town of Hasankeyf, with
its ornate minaret, castle, palaces and
ruined bridge, which has been legally protected
in Turkey since 1978.
Why is this the case? The situation
in the region is complicated since it is
also a locus of the war between Kurdish
forces and the Turkish state. The
resettlement referred to above concerns
thousands of Kurdish people indigenous to
the region, since 54 Kurdish villages and
15 towns will be flooded under the scheme.
The organisation of the resettlement of
these people has been a cause for concern.
There is, alarmingly, no certain figure
of how many will be re-located although
it seems to be between 10,000 and 20,000
people. It is said that people are
being given a choice to move to land elsewhere
or cash to help them move into the cities.
However, the main problem has been that,
being Kurds, most do not have any title
deeds to the land they have lived on, are
tenants of large landowners or landless
labourers and so will not be compensated
by the state but forcibly removed.
Kurds in Turkey have no real rights of citizenship
unless (and sometimes even despite the fact)
they submit to an ongoing policy of Turkification.
The problems of campaigners on this issue
are added to by the fact that many people,
both Turkish and Kurdish, cannot speak out
for fear of reprisals.
It is true that Kurdish identity, politics
and struggle are complex matters.
It seems that there may be a few Kurds in
the area in favour of the dam because they
have been promised schools, roads, hospitals,
proper bridges across the river, a tourist
industry and construction jobs on the project.
Many others are deeply distrustful of the
promises, and the actuality, of such ‘development’.
Although there has been no public consultation
process and communication is difficult in
what is an extremely tense, conflict-ridden
area, it has emerged that many people being
threatened with removal are opposed to the
dam (Morris 1999:20, Rugman 1999:22).
Overall, it would be fair to say that the
building of the dam and the suppression
of Kurdish people are linked.
This has been explicitly asserted by several
campaign groups in Europe which have been
investigating the situation for some time,
including Friends of the Earth and the Peace
in Kurdistan committee [1].
It has also been the subject of a news report
for Channel 4, a UK-based television channel
and of other media interest (Channel 4 News,
7.00pm-8.00pm, 9-09-99, Rugman 1999: 22).
It has also been reported that “Ankara says
the scheme is the key to bringing the long-running
Kurdish insurgency to an end” (Morris 1999:20).
The possibility of wider repercussions
in the geo-politics of the area relate to
two facts. First, the Kurdish people
are spread over five states in the region
and what happens in relation to the ‘Kurdish
question’ in one state has effects in the
others. Second, this dam is part of
a wider regional development project called
GAP or the South-East Anatolia Project.
It includes 22 dams and 19 hydroelectric
power stations on the Tigris and Euphrates
rivers. Turkey has, in fact, refused
to sign the UN convention aimed at preventing
wars between nations that share water resources
(Juniper 1999). The Ilisu dam alone
is only 40 miles from the Syrian and Iraqi
borders. Fears have been expressed
that the Turkish dams will limit the water
supply downstream at certain times of the
year (Morris 1999, 20). Although the
Turkish government and the dam construction
companies have moved to quell such fears,
it seems likely that the project will add
a further twist to international political
tensions long existent in the whole region.
This will be a familiar story to many WAC
members: the best way to suppress any social
group is through literally removing access
to their cultural property, including the
land on which they live, and breaking up
a series of social relationships by dispersing
and relocating people. The international
political and economic undercurrents of
dam projects will also ring a bell, no doubt.
But why the sudden British interest in
what a NATO ally is doing within its own
borders? The British connection is
that a UK construction company, Balfour
Beatty, is part of an international consortium
which wants to build the dam. Balfour
Beatty was also the company responsible
for the equally controversial Pergau dam
in Malaysia. With the World Bank refusing
to fund the Ilisu project, the Turkish government
needs to find its funding elsewhere and
has sought help from several countries.
Balfour Beatty has asked the British government
to help fund its part in the project through
a scheme called Export Credit Guarantee.
Basically, this means that the project is
judged to be extremely ‘high risk’ and so,
in order to bring in other funding, the
British government may pronounce it ‘safe
enough’ for other investors by acting as
creditor to the tune of £140 million.
The company has produced an Environmental
Impact Assessment as a part of this process
but refuses to release it, as does the British
government, on the grounds of commercial
confidentiality. Many consider it
particularly problematic, in the light of
the intervention of the UK government during
the recent war in Kosovo on ‘humanitarian’
grounds, that the same government should
consider funding such a scheme in Turkey.
Recently, there has been a suggestion by
Switzerland that an international commission
be set up to monitor the re-settlement programme
but so far, the Turkish government is hostile
to this idea.
The above information was all outlined
at a briefing meeting which I recently attended
on the Ilisu dam project, hosted by Jeremy
Corbyn who is a UK Member of Parliament
and vice-chair of the Parliamentary Human
Rights Group. The speakers included
representatives of the Peace in Kurdistan
Committee, Friends of the Earth, The United
Kurdish Committee – UK and The Corner House.
Much more than the brief outline above was
discussed at the meeting but two points
seem particularly relevant to WAC.
The speaker from The Corner House (a small
independent research consultancy), Nick
Hillyard, has been researching and tracking
dam projects for about 20 years. From
this work he was able to say that there
was not a single dam development project
which had not inadequately prepared its
re-settlement programme, caused forced removals
and refused proper public consultation.
The Three Gorges dam in China, for instance,
will displace two million people.
He went on to outline the relationship between
this history and the profit motive which
is at the heart of all of these projects.
This profit motive is also the reason why
very few dam projects have been stopped,
even when there is strong resistance to
them. However, he did suggest that
alliances between non-profit environmental
and cultural organisations to oppose these
kinds of projects could be very useful.
This involves lobbying for the rights of
indigenous people and against the destruction
of cultural property in such circumstances.
WAC has been strong on these issues in the
past, and so this would seem to be a case
where it could be of some use.
The destruction of archaeological heritage
was also raised at the meeting. In
particular, it was noted that there seemed
to be a somewhat loose application of heritage
and planning law in cases where the Turkish
state itself was involved in development.
This is, of course, not a complaint peculiar
to Turkey. However, one person who
had worked in planning in Turkey suggested
that it had been common practice to re-zone
for development areas which had previously
had planning restrictions imposed because
of archaeological or environmental interest.
It is true that Hasankeyf is one such place,
previously protected and now marked out
for destruction but there is very little
substantiated information on whether this
kind of process occurs regularly.
There are numbers of archaeological rescue
projects in the region to be flooded, some
involving international teams, which have
already begun or are about to get under
way. In particular, excavations have
been underway for the last couple of years
at Hasankeyf itself. It should be
stressed that these rescue projects are
not related in any way to the Kurdish issue
but are about the rescuing of what is said
to be world or Turkish heritage. Those
with access to the internet can look up
the website of the salvage project [2]
for more detailed descriptions (Archaeological
Salvage Project n.d.). In brief, a
protocol was signed in 1998 by a research
centre, the Turkish cultural ministry and
the State Hydraulic Works for an archaeological
salvage project of the Ilisu and Carchemish
dam resevoirs, similar to agreements on
previous dams. It included the proviso
that the State Hydraulic Works would provide
partial expenses for the project, that both
Turkish and foreign scholars would be invited
to take part and that field trips would
be arranged to enable teams to select the
sites on which they would work. All
of this has taken place. However,
as with previous dam projects in the region,
it would seem that, owing to funding difficulties,
time and personnel constraints, only a tiny
percentage of the archaeology will be investigated.
What can WAC do on this issue? It
would be useful, first of all, for WAC to
obtain and disseminate more information
on the archaeological rescue projects in
the region and the particular problems which
they are encountering [3]
(3). WAC would seem well placed to
investigate whether there is any foundation
to the claims that the application of heritage
and planning law in this case and in others,
has been irregular. WAC can also,
for instance, act in lobbying the UK government
on this matter. Importantly however,
I propose that WAC should adopt a resolution
on the Ilisu dam project at its next meeting,
in order to draw attention to the concerns
outlined in this report.
References
Archaeological Salvage Project. Ilisu
and Carchemish Dams. n.d http://www.metu.edu.tr/home/wwwmuze/ilisu.html
Juniper, T. 1999. The Ilisu
Dam. The Guardian 3 July 1999.
Morris, C. 1999. Standing Against
the Rising Tigris. The Guardian
17 July 1999:20.
Rugman, J. 1999. Turkish Dam
Tests Cook’s Ethical Vow. The Guardian
8 August 1999:22.
Channel 4 News. Report on the Ilisu
Dam Project. 9 August 1999, 7.00 –8.00pm.
EDITOR’S NOTE Abstracted from
the Society for American Archaeology’s (SAA)
Government Affairs Program update for June
2000 http://www.saa.org/Government/
(original text copyright; see also ‘News’
at the end of this issue).
US-ICOMOS brought to the SAA’s attention
the impending destruction of the major archaeological
site of Zeugma by the rising waters of a
dam being built by the Turkish government.
SAA President Keith Kintigh wrote to the
Turkish government expressing the Association’s
concern about the likely loss of large numbers
of important archaeological sites in the
Turkey as a result of hydroelectric and
other construction projects. Kintigh
stated that “although we realize that the
situation is somewhat different in a nation
developing as rapidly as Turkey is today,
we want you to know that there are models
of how to balance development and preservation,
methods and technology to enable heritage
sites to be studied quickly and cost-effectively,
and advice and expertise available to assist
you in this endeavor.” He concluded
by urging the Turkish authorities to work
with the international archaeological community
to find ways of mitigating the impact of
development on our shared heritage.
[1]
The Patrons of the Peace in Kurdistan
Committee are Lord Avebury, Harold Pinter,
Noam Chomsky and Arthur Miller.
[2]Thanks
to Tim Champion for drawing the existence
of this site to my attention
[3]
Anyone with information, or who is interested
in working on the issue, should contact
the writer at Department of Archaeology,
National University of Ireland, Galway,
Republic of Ireland
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